Tuesday, June 22, 2021

A History of Haiti in verse: Part IV

 Creole, Vodou, and Francois Mackandal 

Africans of all clans, yoked and naked, stolen from their homeland, possessionless and powerless, nevertheless resolutely refused to relinquish their inner independence. In defense of their very humanity, God-given liberty to life which their captors denied, the shiploads of slaves shoved ashore on Saint Domingue found ways to unite and fight back even with hands bound in chains.

Captured all over the Dark Continent, these thousands of out-of-Africans did not share the same language, bloodlines, or beliefs. Yet as impatient French pronunciation disregarded their names, discarded their histories with their needs and freedom, consequently these thousands of immigrants forged new identities. The next-generation French born on the island were now commonly called “Creoles,” so the desperate-to-survive Africans began to identify themselves as “Haitians,” allying with the oppressed natives who had been used and abused by domineering white men. Instead of bowing broken backs beneath the cotton sacks or cowering before the overseer’s whip, the oppressed African-Haitians refused to be depressed. While most of European colonists drooped in the afternoon heat, their intellects and integrity lapsing into laxity, the slaves’ brains sharpened with their cane-cutting machetes, and instead of dropping exhausted onto meager cots each night, they worked long hours in the darkness, employing themselves in the second-job of escape-plotting and vengeance-scheming.

"The Slave Trade 1619-1808" (p 162) Santon, Kate, and Liz McKay. Atlas of World History. Parragon, 2006.

These African-Haitians invested in deception, proved exceptional actors and actresses who before their French masters wore masks of adoring devotion or the stoicism devoid of emotion, before they shed these masks with the completion of daily tasks to secretly reconvene with their compatriots from neighboring plantations, others who dared defy the Black Code and meet after hours without passes from their owners. Slaves had not the right to assembly, either, and gatherings of two or more warranted punishment, never mind suspicion from viciously defensive white minds.

However, the majority of small-minded emigres being fanned, fed, and fondly tended by their faithful Negroes did not consider their black beasts capable of cleverness. Donkeys and horses could no more conspire than could their slaves, who must be kept in-hand, as a strict father might raise his child. Thus their own racisme worked against the French-Creole colonials: the extreme minority on an island of perhaps 700,000 slaves. They never could have imagined, for example, the ingenuity of their “child-minded” beasts of burden in finding compromise among their hundreds of differing tribal cultures. Slavers and masters alike purposely purchased Africans from various regions to ensure their isolation, maintain barriers of language and practice. Yet on the common ground of Saint Domingue, chained together on the same tether, men and women whose nations never mingled forged new bonds. Brotherhood now tethered them together and they mingled their differing African dialects to invent a new language, formed almost mockingly with lots of phonetic French, and fragments of other European remnants left behind on the island after centuries of pirates and conquistadores and the Arawak originals. This linguistic improvisation is all the more remarkable for the majority of slaves were illiterate. (Of course, this would also contribute to the lack of consistency in Haitian Creole orthography even into the 21st century.)

Empowered by their common tongue, their knowledge and cunning grew; they threw themselves into their surroundings, adapting to the wild jungles, rocky mountains, flat plains, camouflaging cane fields. They learned the local weapons, the herbal remedies and poisons, the toxic reptiles and insects. Their already-tropically-adroit constitutions largely immunized them to the swampy sicknesses, including the dreaded Yellow Fever. While the Europeans hid in the coolness of their houses, complained of the sweltering heat while demanding cold beverages and constant manual fanning, their slaves, whenever they could slip away, grew familiar with Saint Domingue’s secrets, knew her intimately, and hid the knowledge away for the right opportunity.

Opportunities they discussed at clandestine gatherings, when slaves from different plantations met under the trees, in swampy glades, under the moon, in religious rituals as inventive and cohesive as the new Creole language. Some Africans were Moors of the North who worshipped Allah; many were of polytheistic persuasion and called on different gods for specific purposes. Virtually all of the nighttime rebels were owned by ostensibly Christian men, yet some may have adopted the Gospel as their own despite the dreadful hypocrisy and cruelty demonstrated by these “Christians.” The ancestral spiritualism from Mother Africa twined with Catholic and Islamic faiths to bear another new fruit unique to Saint Domingue: the religion of vodou. A pantheon of spirits, called lwa in Creole, were distinguished with distinct personalities and vocations, including Baron Samedi, the god of death and Lord of the Crossroads; the beautiful possessively jealous Venus-like lover of men Erzulie Freda; and the all-powerful Damballa Ouedo, he who lived in the sky and had serpent for both symbol and servant. If so inclined, the lwa could do good things for good people, or terrible and wicked things to enemies.

 

painting by Gerard Fortune, 
photo credit: HaitianDominican Art, https://haitian-dominican-art.tumblr.com/post/136261890704/gerard-fortune

During the years of nocturnal rebellion the scheming slaves prayed protection for themselves and retribution for their oppressors as they gathered around a fire. Their drums haunted the Caribbean night, beating like an anxious pulse, sometimes like the call to war. Their feet that should have been beaten and weary with the fatigue of field labor danced heartily. Their voices joined Creole words to ancient melodies. The blood of pigs and cocks fed the ground or filled a gourd to pass around. Some attendees or houngan priests were possessed by a lwa and shrieked unknowable secrets or committed impossible feats like eating coals plucked from the fire without pain or fear. With proof of such supernatural endowment, congregated slaves made careful plans, combining their new knowledge of the land with past patterns of African poison. It was poison with which Francois Mackandal would attain such deadly success.

For six years Mackandal headed a conspiracy movement intended to eradicate the French. For six years after his escape from the cattle fields of his master’s plantation, Mackandal committed himself to the creation and distribution of poison, managing anonymous other slaves, both free and in captivity, to administer his toxic brew; through them he slew thousands of white folks and their livestock. For six years Mackandal lived outside society, off the grid, and evaded capture by French authorities. When he was finally arrested, his execution was meant to be a depressing spectacle to instill fear and quell rebellious notions in witnessing slaves. But Mackandal seemed to defy whites even from beyond the grave.

Since he had fled his own plantation of imprisonment, Francois Mackandal had harbored hatred for the white race and plotted vengeance. White people were certainly the clear reason for most of Mackandal’s suffering. He had been seized from Africa at the tender age of twelve, carted away across the waves to the West Indies and sold as a slave on Saint Domingue. Once there, no one cared what his life had been, whether he was educated, who his family was or what gods he adored. This boy was awarded instead among the most odious and lethal tasks on the plantations: partaking in the sugar-mill maintenance. Most unfortunately, like so many poor souls before him, Mackandal fell victim to the greedy grind of the sugar mill, run at rapidly risky rate by greedy overseers, and lost his left arm.

Probably an impressive physical specimen before, this one-armed young buck dropped drastically in value. Yet despite being damaged goods, he was a purchased asset nonetheless, and Mackandal was kept on in chains, assigned meaner labor as a livestock herder. He was now prey to even greater disdain by imperious masters who saw the only beast worse than a Negro a partially formed quasimodo Negro.

Subjected to such bestial treatment, one little wonders Mackandal held no loyalties for any masters or overseers, any free or poor whites. Seemingly he received naught but ill-treatment and unconceivable cruelty from those white people he encountered. Unlike some of the famous Founding Fathers who would follow in the future, then, Mackandal leaves no impression of belief in redemption, of eventual peace between black and white men. He day-dreamed instead of escape and retribution, and he schemed of serving the colony’s white masters their own bitter medicine in turn.  

 His plan began in earnest with Mackandal’s sudden escape, his flight from his lowly station on the lonely cattle fields. Like many slaves before and after him, Mackandal probably just took steadier grip on his staff or grass-cutting machete and bolted on legs powered by hard-labor and desperation, making for the mountains where he could vanish in the impenetrable crags, or join the ranks of Haiti’s first chimères: escaped slaves living outside the law and society. Their wild and high-altitude existence inspired the Spanish to call them “maroons” after “cimarron” originating from a word referring to mountain summits. The term caught-on as fewer slaves were caught, and indulgent colonial authorities forgave a few days of petit-marronage, which might include a visit to another plantation but concluded with a return to their master’s toil. Grand-marronage was utter acquittal from the lash: when a slave ran for the hills. If he could outrun, outlast, and outwit his pursuers, including the maréchaussée force, he could live free, above the grasp of greedy European masters. Realizing chances of survival were better with allies, maroons formed secluded communities in hidden strongholds in the misty mountains where they remained absconded, the hope of slaves in bondage and terror of plantation owners.

Land of Mountains
(photo credit: myself, 2016)



Attempts by the French at taking these maroon-run forts had constantly been in vain, and never, in the bloody history of Saint Domingue, would these well-trained, highly-equipped soldiers succeed in ousting these belligerent liberated blacks, nor often of even discovering where they hid in the myriad folds of the Land of Mountains still rife with jungle vegetation. Maroons camouflaged in the jungles, fortified themselves in the mountains, and bred new generations of black islanders born free in these hidden fortresses of Saint Domingue. Even as the French increased restrictions in attempts to control their immense slave population, the numbers of marrons increased, and those who remained in chains on the plantations fed on the legends these rebel bands who fought for freedom.

The maréchaussée police could not keep up with the number of runaways, never mind compete with the sneak-attacks and plantation robberies maroons executed under cover of darkness. No matter how many accused rebels they executed, how many potential informants they tortured, the immense cruelty and duress of the increasingly desperate French-Creoles could not stem the maroon tide, could not flush them out of their mountain forts. These forts seemed to disappear with the mists like the Isle of La Gonave, rendering themselves invisible at the will of their inhabitants. The marons who dwelled in these mysterious cloud-shrouded mountains were cautious, defending their refuge as soldiers. They dug pits fitted with sharpened pikes, kept strict codes of secrecy about their wild lifestyle. Rites of initiation into maron communities were also a clear reflection of African societal heritage, participation in which was intensive and demanding but imperative to the continued existence of communities, essential to infrastructure and the preparation of future generations.

Africans newly estranged from their Homeland, still trailing their chains, could more readily assimilate into the marronage life than could Creole slaves, long-time islanders accustomed to the strictures of plantations and some of the conveniences of colonial lifestyles. Nevertheless, anyone who could reach the gates could join the maroon clan. The clans were not unlike their pirate forebears, those motley crews of multiethnic runaways pursuing new avenues. Some might think of them, too, like Robin Hood and his group of gallant ruffians: outlaw heroes cleverly hidden in forest camps, always out of view of pursuing soldiers. However one chooses to describe them, the maroons were certainly impressive, these men and women rebels who took back their freedom, proved their mental equality, if not superiority, to their increasingly racist white captors.

"Le Marron Inconnu" ("The Unknown Maroon"), sculpture by Albert Mangones, 1967

photo credit: Alchetron, https://alchetron.com/Le-Marron-Inconnu

For the unfortunate truth we see is not that the African Slave Trade began from long-ingrained ideas of values of the color scale, where from ancient times those with the lightest skin which burned easily, turned red during labor under the sun, were God’s chosen, His most divine men meant to reign over the rest. Rather the reverse is true: that from the explosive growth of the slave trade, the staggering black tide of dark-skinned men and women made captive in Africa and condemned to terminal servitude around the white world, racism grew. Bitter seeds of the most poisonous sort sported roots that dug deeply, quickly, greedily, eagerly, spreading parasitic vines like pervasive kudzu ivy. Racism ran thorny tendrils around everything, corrupting with its coverage, choking the life out of healthy tolerance like the ropy northern Bittersweet. Racism thrived with the slave trade, so by the third century of its existence, Mackandal’s time of the 1750’s, it was firmly rooted as God’s own truth that some men were blessed with rights of dominion while others bore God’s wish for their submission.

In Saint Domingue, the white Europeans were God’s favored heads, while the black Africans were the lowest beasts of burden. Like the ancient Egyptians dwarfed by the Hebrews, the minority whites feared above all black reprisal, rebellion by those Africans who outnumbered them one hundred to one on sprawling plantations. Yet as much as they feared and loathed their captives, these white owners were at once fascinated by their physicality and dismissive of their mental capacity. They could not believe that such savages could foment organized warfare or carry out a poisonous conspiracy. Certainly they could not perceive how Mackandal, a one-armed runaway, had managed not only his own survival but

Needless to say, the French police force was severely relieved to catch Mackandal and duly eager for his speedy demise. However, they also wanted his death to serve as a lasting lesson to his fomenting rebel comrades, and any other slaves considering rebellion. They thought that public execution, burned at the pyre, would prove sufficiently vividly gruesome to staunch the steady ebb of unrest and revolt, as well as put to rest the pesky Mackandal himself for good. To their lasting dismay, the clever intentions of the French authorities backfired, for the funeral fire intended for Mackandal served instead as fiery inspiration for thousands of slaves.

On that January day in 1758 the maréchaussée did not kill a man but created an undying legend.

The witnesses in the Cap Francais square where they tied Mackandal to be burned watched at close range as he wriggled from the ropes and leaped free of the flames. The guards gaped in disbelief, probably, before springing into sprinting pursuit and seizing the one-armed man again. They secured him to a plank and rejoiced as the flames claimed him.

The whites would swear he died there, quickly expiring for lack of air.

But the black audience would claim Mackandal made a second escape, far more miraculous than the first. After the guards bound him again and left him for dead, Mackandal called on his lwa. They surely granted his desire, the blacks were assured, for the next moment Mackandal was transformed into a mosquito, a tiny buzzing insect ropes had no hope of holding. The mosquito flew free of the smoky square and who knows where he went next? As that nearly-invisible creature Mackandal might spread deadly Yellow Fever to his enemies.

Whatever truly happened in that square in 1758, which European records claim concluded in Mackandal’s termination, is less important than what ensued: the heightened brewing of revolution. Master and slave alike feared the invincibility of martyrs like Mackandal who carried on the crusade for freedom more fiercely than before when human form hindered his movements, whether as an insect or inspiration.

Although forty years would pass before the official Slave Rebellion of Saint Domingue began, Francois Mackandal’s conspiracy and slaughter places him among the Founding Fathers. Whether by his endurance as a slave, his bravery under amputation, by his guerilla tactics, intelligence, botanical and toxicological prowess as a maroon, or by his dignity at his execution and his mythic second flight to freedom, Mackandal modeled many qualities of a strong soldier. His legacy sparked greater courage in restless young men who dreamed of freedom, men who would one day be the officers of the Revolution.

Works Cited (so far): 

Davis, Wade. The Serpent and the Rainbow: a Harvard Scientist's Astonishing Journey into the Secret Societies of Haitian Voodoo, Zombis, and Magic. Touchstone, 1985.
Deibert, Michael. Notes from the Last Testament: the Struggle for Haiti. Seven Stories Press, 2005.
Dubois, Laurent. Haiti: the Aftershocks of History. Picador, 2013.
Francois Mackandal (Macandal/Makandal) ( ?-1758) (http://www.historyofwar.org/articles/people_mackandal_francois.html
Francois Makandal
http://slaveryandremembrance.org/people/person/?id=PP024
Girard, Philippe R. Haiti: the Tumultuous History from Pearl of the Caribbean to Broken Nation. St. Martin's Griffin, 2010.
Hurston, Zora Neale, and Henry Louis Gates. Tell My Horse Voodoo and Life in Haiti and Jamaica. Harper Perennial, 2009.
“Marquis de Sade: French author »
https://www.britannica.com/biography/Marquis-de-Sade
Santon, Kate, and Liz McKay. Atlas of World History. Parragon, 2006.
« The Code Noir (The Black Code)”
https://revolution.chnm.org/d/335/
The First Voyage of Columbus
http://columbuslandfall.com/ccnav/v1.shtml